Containing accounts of
the cruelties and atrocities of the Barbary
Corsairs, with narratives of the expeditions
sent against them, and the final capture of
Algiers by the French in 1830.
That former den of pirates, the city of
Algiers is situated on the shores of a
pretty deep bay, by which the northern coast
of Africa, is here indented, and may be said
to form an irregular triangular figure, the
base line of which abuts on the sea, while
the apex is formed by the Cassaubah, or
citadel, which answered the double purpose
of a fort to defend and awe the city, and a
palace for the habitation of the Dey and his
court. The hill on which the city is built,
slopes rather rapidly upwards, so that every
house is visible from the sea, in
consequence of which it was always sure to
suffer severely from a bombardment. The top
of the hill has an elevation of nearly five
hundred feet, and exactly at this point is
built the citadel; the whole town lying
between it and the sea. The houses of
Algiers have no roofs, but are all
terminated by terraces, which are constantly
whitewashed; and as the exterior walls, the
fort, the batteries and the walls are
similarly beautified, the whole city, from a
distance, looks not unlike a vast chalk
quarry opened on the side of a hill.
The fortifications towards the sea are of
amasing strength, and with the additions
made since Lord Exmouth's attack, may be
considered as almost impregnable. They
occupy the entire of a small island, which
lies a short distance in front of the city,
to which it is connected at one end by a
magnificent mole of solid masonry, while the
other which commands the entrance of the
port, is crowned with a battery, bristling
with cannon of immense calibre, which would
instantly sink any vessel which should now
attempt to occupy the station taken by the
Queen Charlotte on that memorable occasion.
On the land side, the defences are by no
means of equal strength, as they were always
considered rather as a shelter against an
insurrectionary movement of the natives,
than as intended to repulse the regular
attacks of a disciplined army. In fact
defences on this side would be of little use
as the city is completely commanded by
different hills, particularly that on which
the Emperor's fort is built, and was obliged
instantly to capitulate, as soon as this
latter had fallen into the hands of the
French, in 1830.
There are four gates; one opening on the
mole, which is thence called the marine
gate, one near the citadel, which is termed
the new gate; and the other two, at the
north and south sides of the city, with the
principal street running between them. All
these gates are strongly fortified, and
outside the three land gates run the remains
of a ditch, which once surrounded the city,
but is now filled up except at these points.
The streets of Algiers are all crooked, and
all narrow. The best are scarcely twelve
feet in breadth, and even half of this is
occupied by the projections of the shops, or
the props placed to support the first
stories of the houses, which are generally
made to advance beyond the lower, insomuch
that in many places a laden mule can
scarcely pass. Of public buildings, the most
remarkable is the Cassaubah, or citadel, the
situation of which we have already
mentioned. It is a huge, heavy looking brick
building, of a square shape, surrounded by
high and massive walls, and defended by
fifty pieces of cannon, and some mortars, so
placed as equally to awe the city and
country. The apartments set apart for the
habitation of the Dey and the ladies of his
harem, are described as extremely
magnificent, and abundantly supplied with
marble pillars, fountains, mirrors, carpets,
ottomans, cushions, and other articles of
oriental luxury; but there are others no
less valuable and curious, such as the
armory, furnished with weapons of every
kind, of the finest manufacture, and in the
greatest abundance, the treasury, containing
not only a profusion of the precious metals,
coined or in ingots, but also diamonds,
pearls, rubies, and other precious stones of
great value; and lastly, the store rooms of
immense extent, in which were piled up the
richest silk stuffs, velvets, brocades,
together with wool, wax, sugar, iron, lead,
sabre-blades, gun barrels, and all the
different productions of the Algerine
territories; for the Dey was not only the
first robber but the first merchant in his
own dominions.
Next to the Cassaubah, the mole with the
marine forts, presented the handsomest and
most imposing pile of buildings. The mole is
no less than one thousand three hundred feet
in length, forming a beautiful terrace walk,
supported by arches, beneath which lay
splendid magazines, which the French found
filled with spars, hemp, cordage, cables,
and all manner of marine stores. At the
extremity of the mole, lay the barracks of
the Janissaries, entrusted with the defence
of the marine forts, and consisting of
several small separate chambers, in which
they each slept on sheepskin mats, while in
the centre was a handsome coffee-room. The
Bagnios were the buildings, in which
Europeans for a long time felt the most
interest, inasmuch as it was in these that
the Christian slaves taken by the corsairs
were confined. For many years previous to
the French invasion, however, the number of
prisoners had been so trifling, that many of
these terrific buildings had fallen to
decay, and presented, when the French army
entered Algiers, little more than piles of
mouldering ruins. The inmates of the Bagnio
when taken by the French were the crews of
two French brigs, which a short time before
had been wrecked off Cape Bingut, a few
French prisoners of war made during their
advance, and about twenty Greek, and Genoese
sailors, who had been there for two years;
in all about one hundred and twenty. They
represented their condition as bad, though
by no means so deplorable as it would have
been in former days. The prison was at first
so close, that there was some danger of
suffocation, to avoid which the Turks had
made holes in the walls; but as they
neglected to supply these with windows or
shutters of any kind, there was no means of
excluding wind or rain, from which
consequently they often suffered.
On board an Algerine corsair.
We shall only trace these pirates back to
about the year 1500, when Selim, king of
Algiers, being invaded by the Spaniards, at
last entreated the assistance of the famous
corsair, Oruj Reis, better known by his
European name, Barbarossa, composed of two
Italian words, signifying red beard.
Nothing could be more agreeable than the
number and hardihood of his naval exploits,
had been such an invitation to this
ambitious robber, who elated by for some
time considering how he might best establish
his power by land. Accordingly, attended by
five thousand picked men, he entered
Algiers, made himself master of the town,
assassinated Selim, and had himself
proclaimed king in his stead; and thus was
established that nest of pirates, fresh
swarms from which never ceased to annoy
Christian commerce and enslave Christian
mariners, until its late final destruction,
by the French expedition in 1830.
In a piratical career of many centuries,
the countless thousands who have been taken,
enslaved, and perished in bondage by these
monsters should long ago have drawn upon
them the united vengeance of all
Christendom. Many a youth of family and
fortune, of delicate constitution has been
captured and sold in the slave market. His
labor through the long hot days would be to
cleanse out the foul bed of some large empty
reservoir, where he would be made to strip,
and descending into the pond, bring up in
his arms the black stinking mud, heaped up
and pressed against his bosom; or to labor
in drawing huge blocks of stone to build the
mole; or in building and repairing the
fortifications, with numerous other painful
and disgusting tasks. The only food was a
scanty supply of black bread, and
occasionally a few decayed olives, or sheep
which had died from some disorder. At night
they were crowded into that most horrid of
prisons the Bagnio, to sleep on a little
filthy straw, amidst the most noisome
stenches. Their limbs in chains, and often
receiving the lash. Occasionally an
individual would be ransomed; when his story
would draw tears of pity from all who heard
it. Ladies were frequently taken by these
monsters and treated in the most inhuman
manner. And sometimes whole families were
enslaved. Numerous facts, of the most
heart-rending description are on record: but
our limits oblige us to be brief.
A Spanish lady, the wife of an officer,
with her son, a youth of fourteen, and her
daughter, six years old, were taken in a
Spanish vessel by the Algerines. The
barbarians treated her and both her children
with the greatest inhumanity. The eldest
they kept in chains; and the defenceless
little one they wantonly treated so ill,
that the unhappy mother was often nearly
deprived of her reason at the blows her
infant received from these wretches, who
plundered them of every thing. They kept
them many days at sea on hard and scanty
fare, covered only with a few soiled rags;
and in this state brought them to Algiers.
They had been long confined in a dreadful
dungeon in the Bagnio where the slaves are
kept, when a messenger was sent to the Aga,
or Captain of the Bagnio, for a female
slave. It fortunately fell to the lot of the
Spanish lady, but at the instant when she
was embracing her son, who was tearing
himself from his mother with haggard and
disordered looks, to go to his imperious
drivers; and while in despair she gazed on
her little worn-out infant, she heard
herself summoned to attend the guard of the
prison to a family that had sent for a
female slave. She obtained permission to
take her little daughter with her. She
dreaded being refused, and sent back to the
horrid dungeon she was leaving where no
difference was paid to rank, and slaves of
all conditions were huddled together. She
went therefore prepared to accept of
anything short of these sufferings. She was
refused, as being in every respect opposite
to the description of the person sent for.
At length her entreaties and tears
prevailed; compassion overruled every
obstacle; and she, with her little girl, was
accepted. But there remained another
difficulty; she had left her son chained in
the midst of that dungeon from which she had
just been rescued. Her kind patrons soon
learned the cause of her distress; but to
send for the youth and treat him kindly, or
in any way above that of a common slave,
must hazard the demand of so large a ransom
for him and his mother, as would forever
preclude the hope of liberty. He was,
however, sent for, and the menial offices
they were both engaged to perform were only
nominal. With circumspection the whole
family were sheltered in this manner for
three years; when the war with the Spaniards
growing more inveterate, the Algerines
demanded the youth back to the Bagnio, to
work in common with the other slaves, in
repairing the damages done to the fortresses
by the Spanish cannon. He was now compelled
to go, loaded with heavy stones, through the
whole of the town; and at almost every step
he received dreadful blows, not being able
to hasten his pace from the great weight.
Overcome at last with ill usage, the
delicacy of his form and constitution gave
way to the excessive labor, and he one
morning refused the orders of his master, or
driver, to rise from the straw on which he
was stretched, declaring they might kill him
if they chose, for he would not even try to
carry another load of stones. Repeated
messages had been sent from the Venetian
consul's, where his mother and sister were
sheltered, to the Aga, to return him; and
when the Algerines found that they had
absolutely reduced him so near death, they
thought it best to spare his life for the
sake of future ransom. They agreed,
therefore, to let him return to the
Christians. His life was for some time
despaired of; but through the kind attention
he received, he was rescued from the
threatened dissolution. His recovery was
concealed, for fear of his being demanded
back to work; and a few months after, the
Spanish peace of 1784 being concluded, a
ransom was accepted by the Algerines for
this suffering family, and they were set at
liberty.
These pirates in old times extended their
depredations into the Atlantic as far as the
British Channel. They swarmed in the
Mediterranean, not only belonging to
Algiers, but Tunis, and other ports on the
coast of Barbary. Their corsairs making
descents on the coasts of those countries
which border on the Mediterranean, pillaging
the villages and carrying off the
inhabitants into slavery. The corsairs were
vessels of different descriptions; some
large armed ships, and latterly frigates;
others were row gallies and the various
craft used by the nations which navigate
that sea, and had been taken by them and
added to their marine. Upon the slaves being
landed at Algiers they were marched to the
Dey's or Bashaw's palace, when he selected
the number which according to law belonged
to him; and the rest were sold in the slave
market to the highest bidder. A moiety of
the plunder, cargoes and vessels taken also
belonged to the Dey. Occasionally, a person
by pretending to renounce his religion, and
turning Mahometan would have his sufferings
mitigated.
The most desperate attempts were
sometimes made to effect an escape from
these ruthless monsters, which occasionally
succeeded.
In 1644 William Oakley and four
companions escaped from Algiers, in a most
miraculous manner, in a canvas boat. There
was at this time an English clergyman, Mr.
Sprat, in captivity, and the wretched slaves
had the privilege of meeting in a cellar,
where he would pray with them. Oakley had
got into the good graces of his master, and
was allowed his time by giving his master
two dollars a month. He traded in tobacco
and a few trifling articles, so that a
strict watch was not kept on his movements.
He conceived the project of making a canvas
boat. He says I now first opened my design
to my comrades, informing them, that I had
contrived the model of a boat, which, being
formed in pieces, and afterwards put
together, might be the means of our
deliverance. They greedily grasped at the
prospect; but cooler reflection pointed out
difficulties innumerable: some of them
started objections which they thought
insuperable, and these I endeavored to
overrule.
We began our work in the cellar which had
served for our devotions, though it was not
the sanctity of the place, but its privacy,
that induced us to this selection. We first
provided a piece of wood, twelve feet long,
and, that it might escape observation, it
was cut in two, being jointed in the middle.
Next we procured the timbers of ribs, which,
to avoid the same hazard, were in three
pieces each, and jointed in two places. The
flat side of one of the two pieces was laid
over the other, and two holes bored in every
joint to receive nails; so that when united,
each joint would make an obtuse angle, and
approach towards a semicircular figure, as
we required. We had, in the formation of an
external covering, to avoid hammering and
nailing, which would have made such a noise
in the cellar as to attract the notice of
the Algerines, who are insufferably
suspicious about their wives and slaves.
Therefore, we provided as much canvas as
would cover the boat twice over, and as much
pitch, tar and tallow, as would make it a
kind of tarpaulin; as also earthen pots in
which to melt our materials. The two
carpenters and myself were appointed to this
service in the cellar. We stopped up all
chinks and crevices, that the fumes of these
substances might not betray us. But we had
not been long at work, when the smell of the
melting materials overcame me, and obligated
me to go into the streets gasping for
breath, where meeting with the cool air, I
swooned away, and broke my face in the fall.
My companions, finding me in this plight,
carried me back, extremely sick and
unserviceable. Before long, I heard one of
them complain of sickness, and thus he could
proceed no further; therefore, I saw if we
abandoned our project this night, it might
not be resumed, which made me resolve to set
the cellar door wide open, while I stood
sentinel to give notice of approaching
danger. In this way we finished the whole,
and then carried it to my shop, which was
about a furlong distant.
Every thing was fitted in the cellar, the
timbers to the keel, the canvas to the
timbers, and the seats to the whole, and
then all were taken to pieces again. It was
a matter of difficulty, however, to get the
pieces conveyed out of the city; but William
Adams carried the keel, and hid it at the
bottom of a hedge: the rest was carried away
with similar precautions. As I was carrying
a piece of canvas, which we had bought for a
sail, I looked back, and discovered the same
spy, who had formerly given us much trouble,
following behind. This gave me no small
concern; but, observing an Englishman
washing clothes by the sea side, I desired
his help in washing the canvas. Just as we
were engaged with it, the spy came up, and
stood on a rock exactly over our heads, to
watch us. Therefore, to delude him, I took
the canvas and spread it before his face on
the top of the rock to dry; he staid his own
time, and then marched off. Still I was
jealous of his intentions, which induced me
to carry the canvas, when dry, straight back
to the city, an incident that greatly
discouraged my comrades. We also procured a
small quantity of provisions, and two goat
skins full of fresh water.
In the mean time, I paid my patron my
wonted visits, kept up a fair
correspondence, and duly gave him his
demands; while I secretly turned all my
goods to ready money as fast as I could, and
putting it into a trunk with a false bottom,
I committed it to the charge of Mr. Sprat
who faithfully preserved it for me.
The place which we chose for joining the
boat together was a hill about half a mile
from the city, thinking by that means the
better to descry the approach of danger.
When the pieces were united, and the canvas
drawn on, four of our number carried the
boat down to the sea, where, stripping
ourselves naked, and putting our clothes
within, we carried it as far as we could
wade, lest it might be injured by the stones
or rocks near the shore. But we soon
discovered that our calculations of lading
were erroneous; for no sooner had we
embarked, than the water came in over the
sides, and she was like to sink; so that
some new device became necessary. At last,
one whose heart most failed him was willing
to be excluded, and wished rather to hazard
the uncertain torments of land, than the
certainty of being drowned at sea. However
the boat was still so deeply laden, that we
all concluded that it was impossible to
venture to sea. At length another went
ashore, and she held her head stoutly, and
seemed sufficiently capable of our voyage.
Taking a solemn farewell of our two
companions left behind, and wishing them as
much happiness as could be hoped for in
slavery, and they to us as long life as
could be expected by men going to their
graves, we launched out on the 30th of June
1644, a night ever to be remembered. Our
company consisted of John Anthony, William
Adams, John Jephs, John the carpenter and
myself. We now put to sea, without helm,
tackle, or compass. Four of us continually
labored at the oars; the employment of the
fifth was baling out the water that leaked
through the canvas. We struggled hard the
first night to get out of the reach of our
old masters; but when the day broke, we were
still within sight of their ships in the
haven and road-stead. Yet, out boat being
small, and lying close and snug upon the
sea, either was not discovered at all, or
else seemed something that was not worth
taking up.
On all occasions we found our want of
foresight, for now the bread which had lain
soaking in the salt water, was quite
spoiled, and the tanned skins imparted a
nauseous quality to the fresh water. So long
as bread was bread, we made no complaints;
with careful economy it lasted three days,
but then pale famine, which is the most
horrible shape in which death can be
painted, began to stare us in the face. The
expedients on which we fell to assuage our
thirst rather inflamed it, and several
things added to our distress. For some time
the wind was right against us; our labour
was incessant, for, although much rowing did
not carry us forward, still, cessation of it
drove us back; and the season was raging
hot, which rendered our toil insupportable.
One small alleviation we had in the man
whose province it was to bale the water out
of the boat; he threw it on our bodies to
cool them. However, what with the scorching
of the sun and cooling of the water, our
skin was blistered all over. By day we were
stark naked; by night we had on shirts or
loose coats; for we had left our clothing
ashore, on purpose to lighten the boat.
One of our number had a pocket dial,
which supplied the place of a compass; and,
to say the truth, was not ill befitting such
a vessel and such mariners. By its aid we
steered our course by day, while the stars
served as a guide by night; and, if they
were obscured, we guessed our way by the
motion of the clouds. In this woful plight
we continued four days and nights. On the
fifth day we were at the brink of despair,
and abandoned all hopes of safety. Thence we
ceased our labor, and laid aside our oars;
for, either we had no strength left to use
them, or were reluctant to waste the little
we had to no purpose. Still we kept emptying
the boat, loth to drown, loth to die, yet
knowing no means to avoid death.
They that act least commonly wish the
most; and, when we had forsaken useful
labor, we resorted to fruitless wishes--that
we might be taken up by some ship, if it
were but a ship, no matter of what country.
While we lay hulling up and down, our
hopes at so low an ebb, we discovered a
tortoise, not far from us, asleep in the
sea. Had the great Drake discovered the
Spanish plate fleet, he could not have been
more rejoiced. Once again we bethought
ourselves of our oars, and silently rowing
to our prey, took it into the boat in great
triumph. Having cut off its head, and let it
bleed in a vessel, we drank the blood, ate
the liver, and sucked the flesh. Our
strength and spirits were wonderfully
refreshed, and our work was vigorously
renewed. Leaving our fears behind us, we
began to gather hope, and, about noon,
discovered, or thought that we discovered,
land. It is impossible to describe our joy
and triumph on this occasion. It was new
life to us; it brought fresh blood into our
veins, and fresh vigor into our pale cheeks:
we looked like persons raised from the dead.
After further exertion, becoming more
confident, we were at last fully satisfied
that it was land. Now, like distracted
persons, we all leapt into the sea, and,
being good swimmers, cooled our parched
bodies, never considering that we might
become a ready prey to the sharks. But we
presently returned to our boat, and from
being wearied with the exertion, and
somewhat cooled by the sea, lay down to
sleep with as much security as if it had
been in our beds. It was fortunately of such
short duration that the leaking of the boat
occasioned no danger.
Refreshed by sleep, we found new strength
for our work, and tugged hard at the oar, in
hopes of reaching a more stable element
before night. But our progress was very
slow. Towards evening an island was
discovered, which was Fromentere, having
already seen Majorca; at least, some of our
company, who had navigated these seas,
declared that it was so. We debated long to
which of the two our course should be
directed; and, because the last discovered
was much infested with venomous serpents, we
all resolved to make for Majorca. The whole
of that night we rowed very hard, and also
the next, being the sixth from our putting
to sea. The island was in sight all day, and
about ten at night we came under the land,
but it consisted of rocks so steep and
craggy that we could not climb up.
Whilst under these rocks a vessel
approached very near. Let the reader
conceive our apprehensions, after all our
toil and labor, of being seized by some
Turkish privateer, such as are never off the
seas. Thus we were obliged to lie close;
and, when the vessel had passed, we crept
gently along the coast, as near as we durst
to the shore, until finding a suitable place
to receive our weather-beaten boat.
We were not insensible of our deliverance
on reaching land; though, like men just
awakened from a dream, we could not duly
appreciate the greatness of it. Having had
no food since we got the tortoise, John
Anthony and myself set out in search of
fresh water, and three remained with the
boat. Before proceeding far, we found
ourselves in a wood, which created great
embarrassment. My comrade wished to go one
way, and I wished to go another. How frail
and impotent a being is man! That we, whom
common dangers by sea had united, should now
fall out about our own inclinations at land.
Yet so we did. He gave me reproachful words;
and it is well that we did not come to
blows, but I went my way, and he, seeing me
resolute, followed. The path led to one of
those watchtowers which the Spaniards keep
on the coast to give timely notice of the
approach of privateers. Afraid of being
fired on, we called to the sentinel,
informing him who we were, and earnestly
requesting him to direct us to fresh water,
and to give us some bread. He very kindly
threw down an old mouldy cake, and directed
us to a well close at hand. We drank a
little water, and ate a bit of the cake,
which we had difficulty in swallowing, and
then hastened to return to our companions in
the boat, to acquaint them with our success.
Though now necessary to leave the boat,
we did not do it without regret; but this
was lulled by the importunate cravings of
hunger and thirst; therefore, making her
fast ashore, we departed. Advancing, or
rather crawling towards the well, another
quarrel rose amongst us, the remembrance of
which is so ungrateful that I shall bury it
in silence, the best tomb for controversies.
One of our company, William Adams, in
attempting to drink, was unable to swallow
the water, and sunk to the ground, faintly
exclaiming, "I am a dead man!" After much
straining and forcing, he, at length, got a
little over; and when we were all refreshed
with the cake and water, we lay down by the
side of the well to wait for morning.
When it was broad day, we once more
applied to the sentinel, to point out the
way to the nearest house or town, which he
did, directing us to a house about two miles
distant; but our feet were so raw and
blistered by the sun that it was long before
we could get this short journey over; and
then, the owners of the house, concluding
from our garb that we came with a pilfering
design, presented a fowling-piece, charging
us to stand. The first of our number, who
could speak the language of the country,
mildly endeavored to undeceive him, saying,
we were a company of poor creatures, whom
the wonderful providence of God had rescued
from the slavery of Algiers, and hoped that
he would show mercy to our afflictions. The
honest farmer, moved with our relation, sent
out bread, water and olives. After
refreshing ourselves with these, we lay down
and rested three or four hours in the field;
and, having given him thanks for his
charity, prepared to crawl away. Pleased
with our gratitude, he called us into his
house, and gave us good warm bean pottage,
which to me seemed the best food I had ever
ate. Again taking leave, we advanced towards
Majorca, which was about ten miles distant.
Next morning we arrived in the suburbs,
where the singularity of our attire, being
barefoot and bare legged, and having nothing
on except loose shirts, drawn over our
coats, attracted a crowd of enquirers. We
gave a circumstantial account of our
deliverance; and, as they were willing to
contribute to our relief, they supplied us
with food, wine, strong waters, and whatever
else might renovate our exhausted spirits.
They said, however, that we must remain in
the suburbs until the viceroy had notice of
our arrival. We were called before him, and
when he had heard the account of our escape
and dangers, he ordered us to be maintained
at his expense until we should obtain a
passage to our own country; and, in the
meantime, the people collected money to buy
clothes and shoes.
From Majorca they proceeded to Cadiz, and
from thence to England, which they reached
in safety.
Several expeditions at different periods
were fitted out by different European
nations to chastise the pirates. The
Emperor, Charles V., in the plenitude of his
power, sailed with a formidable armament in
the year 1541, and affected a landing.
Without doubt he would have taken the city,
if a terrible storm had not risen, which
destroyed a great part of his fleet and
obliged him to re-embark with his shattered
forces in the greatest precipitation. The
exultation of the Algerines was unbounded;
they now looked on themselves as the special
favorites of heaven; the most powerful army
which had ever attempted their subjection
had returned with the loss of one third
their number, and a great part of its ships
and transports. Prisoners had been taken in
such abundance, that to show their
worthlessness, they were publicly sold in
the market-place at Algiers, at an onion a
head.
For nearly a century after this, little
occurs of note in Algerine history except a
constant system of piracy. In 1655 the
British Admiral Blake gave them a drubbing.
The French were the next to attack these
common enemies of Europe. Admiral Duguesne
commanded the expedition, and after
bombarding the place a short time, the Dey
himself soon began to be terrified at the
destruction these new engines of naval war
made, when an unfavorable wind arising,
compelled the fleet to make all sail for
Toulon.
Relieved from the terror of immediate
destruction, the Algerines returned to their
old ways, making descents on the coast of
Provence, where they committed the most
dreadful ravages, killing, burning and
destroying all that came in their way. The
Dey also recovered, not only his courage,
but his humor; for learning what a large sum
the late expedition against his city had
cost, he sent to say, "that if Louis would
give him half the money, he would undertake
to burn the whole city to please him." The
French accordingly sent a new expedition
under the same officers the next year.
Duguesne again sailed, and in front of the
city was joined by the Marquis
D'Affranville, at the head of five other
stout ships. A council of war was held and
an immediate attack resolved upon, in
consequence of which, the vessels having
taken up their stations, a hundred bombs
were thrown into the town during that day,
and as many more on the following night,
when the town was observed to be on fire in
several places; the Dey's palace, and other
public buildings were in ruins; some of the
batteries were dismounted, and several
vessels sunk in the fort. This speedy
destruction soon determined the Dey and
Janissaries to sue for peace; and a message
to this effect was sent to Duguesne, who
consented to cease firing, but refused to
negociate regarding terms, until all the
captives taken fighting under the French
flag were given up as a preliminary step.
This was agreed to, and one hundred and
forty-two prisoners immediately sent off. In
the mean time the soldiery becoming furious,
assassinated the Dey and elected a new one,
who ordered the flag to be hoisted on the
city walls. Hostilities were now renewed
with greater fury than before, and the
French admiral threw such volleys of bombs
into the city, that in less than three days
the greatest part of it was reduced to
ashes; and the fire burnt with such
vehemence that the bay was illuminated to
the distance of two or three leagues.
Rendered desperate by the carnage around
him, the new Dey ordered all the French
captives who had been collected into the
city to be cruelly murdered, and binding
Father Vacher, the French Resident, hand and
foot, had him tied to a mortar and fired off
like a bomb against the French fleet. This
wanton piece of atrocity so exasperated
Duguesne, that, laying his fleet as near
land as possible, he continued his cannonade
until he had destroyed all their shipping,
fortifications, buildings; in short, almost
the whole of the lower town, and about
two-thirds of the upper; when finding
nothing else which a naval force could do,
and being unprovided for a land expedition,
he stood out leisurely to sea, leaving the
Algerines to reflect over the sad
consequences of their obstinacy. For several
years after this they kept in the old
piratical track; and upon the British
consuls making a complaint to the Dey, on
occasion of one of his corsairs having
captured a vessel, he openly replied, "It is
all very true, but what would you have? the
Algerines are a company of rogues, and I am
their captain."
To such people force was the argument;
and in 1700 Capt. Beach, falling in with
seven of their frigates, attacked them,
drove them on shore, and burnt them.
Expeditions at various times were sent
against them, but without effecting much;
and most of the maritime nations paid them
tribute. But a new power was destined to
spring up, from which these pirates were to
receive their first check; that power was
the United States of America.
In 1792 his corsairs, in a single cruise,
swept off ten American vessels, and sent
their crews to the Bagnio, so that there
were one hundred and fifteen in slavery.
Negociations were at once set on foot;
the Dey's demands had of course risen in
proportion to the number of his prisoners,
and the Americans had not only to pay ransom
at a high rate, with presents, marine
stores, and yearly tribute, but to build and
present to the Dey, as a propitiatory
offering, a thirty-six gun frigate; so that
the whole expenses fell little short of a
million of dollars, in return for which they
obtained liberty for their captives,
protection for their merchant vessels, and
the right of free trade with Algiers. The
treaty was signed September 5th, 1795; and
from that time, up to 1812, the Dey
continued on tolerable good terms with
Congress; indeed, so highly was he pleased
with them, in 1800, that he signified to the
consul his intention of sending an
ambassador to the Porte, with the customary
presents, in the Washington, a small
American frigate, at that time lying in the
harbor of Algiers. In vain the consul and
captain remonstrated, and represented that
they had no authority to send the vessel on
such a mission; they were silenced by the
assurance that it was a particular honor
conferred on them, which the Dey had
declined offering to any of the English
vessels then in harbor, as he was rather
angry with that nation. The Washington was
obliged to be prepared for the service; the
corsair flag, bearing the turbaned head of
Ali, was run up to her main top, under a
salute of seven guns; and in this
respectable plight she sailed up the
Mediterranean, dropped anchor before the
seven towers, where, having landed her
cargo, she was permitted to resume her own
colors, and was thus the first vessel to
hoist the American Union in the Thracian
Bosphorus.
Algerines in the act of firing off
the French consul from a mortar at the
French fleet.
In 1812, however, the Dey, finding his funds
at a low ebb, and receiving from all
quarters reports that a wealthy American
commerce was afloat, determined on trying
them with a new war. He was peculiarly
unfortunate in the time chosen, as the
States, having about a month previously
declared war with Great Britain, had, in
fact, withdrawn most of the merchant ships
from the sea, so that the only prize which
fell into the hands of the Dey's cruizers
was a small brig, with a crew of eleven
persons. The time at length came for putting
an end to these lawless depredations, and
peace having been concluded with England,
President Madison, in 1815, despatched an
American squadron, under commodores
Bainbridge and Decatur, with Mr. Shaler, as
envoy, on board, to demand full satisfaction
for all injuries done to American subjects,
the immediate release of such as were
captives, the restitution of their property,
with an assurance that no future violence
should be offered, and also to negociate the
preliminaries of a treaty on terms of
perfect equality, no proposal of tribute
being at all admissible. The squadron
reached its destination early in June, and,
having captured an Algerine frigate and
brig-of-war, suddenly appeared before
Algiers, at a moment when all the cruizers
were at sea, and delivered, for the
consideration of the Divan, the terms on
which they were commissioned to make peace,
together with a letter from the President to
the Dey. Confounded by the sudden and
entirely unexpected appearance of this
force, the Algerines agreed, on the 30th of
June, to the proposals of a treaty, almost
without discussion.
It had long been a reproach to Great
Britain, the mistress of the sea, that she
had tamely suffered a barbarian power to
commit such atrocious ravages on the fleets
and shores of the minor states along the
Mediterranean. At length a good cause was
made for chastising them.
At Bona, a few miles to the east of
Algiers, was an establishment for carrying
on a coral fishery, under the protection of
the British flag, which, at the season, was
frequented by a great number of boats from
the Corsican, Neapolitan, and other Italian
ports. On the 23d of May, the feast of
Ascension, as the crews of all the boats
were preparing to hear mass, a gun was fired
from the castle, and at the same time
appeared about two thousand, other accounts
say four thousand, infantry and cavalry,
consisting of Turks, Levanters, and Moors. A
part of these troops proceeded towards the
country, whilst another band advanced
towards the river, where the fishing boats
were lying at different distances from the
sea; and opening a fire upon the unfortunate
fishermen, who were partly on board and
partly on land, massacred almost the whole
of them. They then seized the English flags,
tore them in pieces, and trampling them
under foot, dragged them along the ground in
triumph. The men who happened to be in the
country saved themselves by flight, and
declared that they saw the soldiers pillage
the house of the British vice-consul, the
magazines containing the provisions, and the
coral that had been fished up. A few boats
escaped, and brought the news to Genoa,
whence it was transmitted by the agent of
Lloyd's in a despatch, dated June 6th.
No sooner had the account of this
atrocious slaughter reached England, than
all ranks seemed inflamed with a desire that
a great and signal punishment should be
taken on this barbarian prince, who was
neither restrained by the feelings of
humanity nor bound by treaties. An
expedition, therefore, was fitted out with
all speed at Portsmouth, and the command
intrusted to Lord Exmouth, who, after some
delays from contrary winds, finally sailed,
July 28th, with a fleet complete in all
points, consisting of his own ship, the
Queen Charlotte, one hundred and twenty
guns; the Impregnable, rear admiral, Sir
David Milne; ninety guns; Minden, Superb,
Albion, each seventy-four guns; the Leander
fifty guns, with four more frigates and
brigs, bombs, fire-ships, and several
smaller vessels, well supplied, in addition
to the ordinary means of warfare, with
Congreve rockets, and Shrapnell shells, the
destructive powers of which have lately been
abundantly proved on the continent. August
9, the fleet anchored at Gibraltar, and was
there joined by the Dutch admiral, Van
Cappillen, commanding five frigates and a
corvette, who had been already at Algiers,
endeavoring to deliver slaves: but being
refused, and finding his force insufficient,
had determined on joining himself with the
English squadron, which it was understood
was under weigh. Meanwhile, the Prometheus,
Captain Dashwood, had been sent forward to
Algiers to bring off the British consul and
family; but could only succeed in getting
his wife and daughter, who were obliged to
make their escape, disguised in midshipmen's
uniform; for the Dey, having heard through
some French papers of the British
expedition, had seized the consul, Mr.
Macdonnell, and put him in chains; and,
hearing of the escape of his wife,
immediately ordered the detention of two
boats of the Prometheus, which happened to
be on shore, and made slaves of the crews,
amounting to eighteen men. This new outrage
was reported to Lord Exmouth soon after
leaving Gibraltar, and of course added not a
little to his eagerness to reach Algiers. He
arrived off Algiers on the morning of the
27th of August, and sent in his interpreter,
Mr. Salame, with Lieutenant Burgess, under a
flag of truce, bearing a letter for the Dey,
demanding reparation.
Meantime, a light breeze sprung up, and
the fleet advanced into the bay, and lay to,
at about a mile off Algiers "It was now,"
says Mr. Salame, in his entertaining
narrative, "half-past two, and no answer
coming out, notwithstanding we had staid
half an hour longer than our instructions,
and the fleet being almost opposite the
town, with a fine breeze, we thought proper,
after having done our duty, to lose no more
time, but to go on board, and inform his
lordship of what had happened.
"Mr. Burgess, the flag-lieutenant, having
agreed with me, we hoisted the signal,
that no answer had been given, and began
to row away towards the Queen Charlotte.
After I had given our report to the admiral,
of our meeting the captain of the port, and
our waiting there, &c., I was quite
surprised to see how his lordship was
altered from what I left him in the morning;
for I knew his manner was in general very
mild, and now he seemed to me
all-fightful, as a fierce lion, which
had been chained in its cage, and was set at
liberty. With all that, his lordship's
answer to me was, 'Never mind, we shall
see now;' and at the same time he turned
towards the officers, saying, 'Be ready,'
whereupon I saw every one with the match or
the string of the lock in his hand, most
anxiously expecting the word 'Fire'!
"No sooner had Salame returned, than his
lordship made the signal to know whether all
the ships were ready, which being answered
in the affirmative, he directly turned the
head of the Queen Charlotte towards shore,
and, to the utter amazement of the
Algerines, ran across all the batteries
without firing or receiving a single shot,
until he brought up within eighty yards of
the south end of the mole, where he lashed
her to the mainmast of an Algerine brig,
which he had taken as his direction, and had
then the pleasure of seeing all the rest of
the fleet, including the Dutch frigates,
taking up their assigned stations with the
same precision and regularity. The position
in which the Queen Charlotte was laid was so
admirable that she was only exposed to the
fire of three or four flanking guns, while
her broadside swept the whole batteries, and
completely commanded the mole and marine,
every part of which could be seen distinctly
from her quarter-deck. Up to this moment not
a shot had been fired, and the batteries
were all crowded with spectators, gazing in
astonishment at the quiet and regularity
which prevailed through all the British
ships, and the dangerous vicinity in which
they placed themselves to such formidable
means of defence. Lord Exmouth, therefore,
began to conceive hopes that his demands
would still be granted; but the delay, it
appeared, was caused by the Algerines being
completely unprepared for so very sudden an
approach, insomuch that their guns were not
shotted at the moment when the Queen
Charlotte swept past them, and they were
distinctly seen loading them as the other
ships were coming into line. Anxious, if
possible, to spare unnecessary effusion of
blood, his lordship, standing on the
quarter-deck, repeatedly waved his hat as a
warning to the multitudes assembled on the
mole to retire, but his signal was unheeded,
and at a quarter before three in the
afternoon the first gun was fired at the
Queen Charlotte from the eastern battery,
and two more at the Albion and Superb, which
were following. Then Lord Exmouth, having
seen only the smoke of the gun,
before the sound reached him, said, with
great alacrity, 'That will do; fire my
fine fellows!' and I am sure that before
his lordship had finished these words, our
broadside was given with great cheering,
which was fired three times within five or
six minutes; and at the same time the other
ships did the same. This first fire was so
terrible, that they say more than five
hundred persons were killed and wounded by
it. And I believe this, because there was a
great crowd of people in every part, many of
whom, after the first discharge, I saw
running away, under the walls, like dogs,
walking upon their feet and hands.
"After the attack took place on both
sides in this horrible manner, immediately
the sky was darkened by the smoke, the sun
completely eclipsed, and the horizon became
dreary. Being exhausted by the heat of that
powerful sun, to which I was exposed the
whole day, and my ears being deafened by the
roar of the guns, and finding myself in the
dreadful danger of such a terrible
engagement, in which I had never been
before, I was quite at a loss, and like an
astonished or stupid man, and did not know
myself where I was. At last his lordship,
having perceived my situation, said, 'You
have done your duty, now go below.' Upon
which I began to descend from the
quarter-deck, quite confounded and
terrified, and not sure that I should reach
the cock-pit alive; for it was most
tremendous to hear the crashing of the shot,
to see the wounded men brought from one
part, and the killed from the other; and
especially, at such a time, to be found
among the English seamen! and to
witness their manners, their activity, their
courage, and their cheerfulness during the
battle!--it is really most overpowering and
beyond imagination."
The battle continued to rage furiously,
and the havoc on both sides was very great.
There were some awful moments, particularly
when Algerine vessels so near our line were
set on fire. The officers surrounding Lord
Exmouth had been anxious for permission to
make an attempt upon the outer frigate,
distant about a hundred yards. He at length
consented, and Major Gossett, of the corps
of marines, eagerly entreated and obtained
permission to accompany Lieutenant Richards
in the ship's barge. The frigate was
instantly boarded, and, in ten minutes, in a
perfect blaze. A gallant young midshipman,
although forbidden, was led by his too
ardent spirit to follow in support of the
barge, in which attempt he was desperately
wounded, his brother officer killed, and
nine of the crew. The barge, by rowing more
rapidly, escaped better, having but one
killed.
About sunset the admiral received a
message from rear-admiral Milne, stating his
severe loss in killed and wounded, amounting
to one hundred and fifty, and requesting
that, if possible, a frigate might be sent
him to take off some of the enemy's fire.
The Glasgow accordingly was ordered to get
under weigh, but the wind having been laid
by the cannonade, she was obliged again to
anchor, having obtained a rather more
favorable position. The flotilla of mortar,
gun, and rocket boats, under the direction
of their respective artillery officers,
shared to the full extent of their powers
the honors and toils of this glorious day.
It was by their fire that all the ships in
the port (with the exception of the outer
frigate already mentioned) were in flames,
which, extending rapidly over the whole
arsenal, gun-boats, and storehouses,
exhibited a spectacle of awful grandeur and
interest which no pen can describe. The
sloops of war which had been appropriated to
aid and assist the ships of the line, and
prepare for their retreat, performed not
only that duty well, but embraced every
opportunity of firing through the intervals,
and were constantly in motion. The shells
from the bombs were admirably well thrown by
the royal marine artillery, and, though
directed over and across our own men-of-war,
did not produce a single accident. To
complete the confusion of the enemy, the
admiral now ordered the explosion ship,
which had been charged for the occasion, to
be brought within the mole; but upon the
representation of Sir David Milne that it
would do him essential service, if made to
act on the battery in his front, it was
towed to that spot, and blown up with
tremendous effect.
This was almost the final blow;--the
enemy's fire had for some time been very
slack, and now almost wholly ceased, except
that occasionally a few shots and shells
were discharged from the higher citadel,
upon which the guns of the fleet could not
be brought to bear. The admiral, who from
the commencement had been in the hottest of
the engagement, and had fired until his guns
were so hot that they could, some of them,
not be used again; now seeing that he had
executed the most important part of his
instructions, issued orders for drawing off
the fleet. This was commenced in excellent
order about ten at night, and the usual
breeze having set off from shore favored
their manoeuvre, so that, all hands being
employed in warping and towing, the vessels
were got safely into the bay, and anchored,
beyond reach of shot, about two o'clock the
next morning.
So signal and well contested a victory
could not have been gained without a
considerable loss and suffering. It amounted
in the English fleet, to one hundred and
twenty-eight men killed, and six hundred and
ninety wounded; in the Dutch squadron, to
thirteen killed, and fifty-two wounded;
grand total, eight hundred and eighty-three.
But the enemy suffered much more severly;
they are computed to have lost, in killed
and wounded, not less than between six and
seven thousand men. The loss sustained by
the Algerines by the destruction in the mole
was four large frigates, of forty-four guns.
Five large corvettes, from twenty-four to
thirty guns. All the gun and mortar-boats,
except seven; thirty destroyed. Several
merchant brigs and schooners. A great number
of small vessels of various descriptions.
All the pontoons, lighters, &c.,
Store-houses and arsenal, with all the
timber, and various marine articles
destroyed in part. A great many
gun-carriages, mortar-beds, casks, and
ships' stores of all descriptions.
Negociations were immediately opened in
form; and on the 30th August the admiral
published a notification to the fleet, that
all demands had been complied with, the
British consul had been indemnified for his
losses, and the Dey, in presence of all his
officers, had made him a public apology for
the insults offered him. On the 1st of
September, Lord Exmouth had the pleasure of
informing the secretary of the Admiralty,
that all the slaves in the city of Algiers,
and its immediate vicinity were embarked; as
also 357,000 dollars for Naples, and 25,000
dollars for Sardinia.
The number of slaves thus released
amounted to one thousand and eighty-three,
of whom four hundred and seventy-one were
Neapolitans, two hundred and thirty-six
Sicilians, one hundred and seventy-three
Romans, six Tuscans, one hundred and
sixty-one Spaniards, one Portuguese, seven
Greeks, twenty-eight Dutch, and not one
Englishman. Were there an action more
than another on which an Englishman would
willingly risk the fame and honor of his
nation, it would be this attack on Algiers,
which, undertaken solely at her own risk,
and earned solely by the expenditure of her
own blood and her own resources, rescued not
a single subject of her own from the
tyrant's grasp, while it freed more than a
thousand belonging to other European powers.
In August, 1816, the strength of Algiers
seemed annihilated; her walls were in ruins,
her haughty flag was humbled to the dust;
her gates lay open to a hostile power, and
terms were dictated in the palace of her
princes. A year passed, the hostile squadron
had left her ports, the clang of the
workman's hammer, the hum of busy men
resounded through her streets, fresh walls
had risen, new and more formidable batteries
had been added; again she resumed her
attitude as of yore, bid defiance to her
foes, and declared war on
civilization:--again her blood-stained
corsairs swept the seas, eager for plunder,
ready for combat;--Christian commerce once
more became shackled by her enterprise, and
Christian captives once more sent up their
cry for deliverance. In 1819, her piracies
had become so numerous that the Congress of
Aix-la-Chapelle caused it to be notified to
the Dey, that their cessation was required,
and would be enforced, by a combined French
and English squadron. His reply was brief
and arrogant, and the admirals were obliged
to leave without obtaining the least
satisfaction. By menaces, however,
accompanied by the presence of some
cruisers, England, France, and the United
States caused their flags to be respected.
Ali, the successor of Amar, had died in
1818, and was succeeded by Hassein Pasha,
who, from the commencement of his reign,
evinced the strongest antipathy to the
French power. In 1824, he imposed an
arbitrary tax through all his provinces on
French goods and manufactures; the consul's
house was frequently entered and searched in
a vexatious manner, contrary to the express
stipulations of treaties; and, finally,
April, 1827, the consul himself, having gone
at the feast of Bayram to pay his respects,
was, upon a slight difference of opinion
arising during their conversation, struck
across the mouth with a fly-flap which the
Dey held in his hand, and in consequence
soon after left Algiers, while the Dey
ordered the destruction of all the French
establishments along the coast towards Bona,
and oppressed in every manner the French
residents within his dominions. A blockade
was instantly commenced by the French, and
maintained for nearly three years, until it
was found that they suffered much more by it
than the Dey, the expense having reached
nearly 800,000l sterling, while he
appeared no way inconvenienced by their
efforts, and even treated them with such
contempt as to order his forts to fire on
the vessel of Admiral Le da Bretonnière,
who, in 1829, had gone there under a flag of
truce to make a final proposal of terms of
accommodation. So signal a violation of the
laws of nations could not be overlooked,
even by the imbecile administrations of
Charles X. All France was in an uproar; the
national flag had been dishonored, and her
ambassador insulted; the cry for war became
loud and universal; conferences on the
subject were held; the oldest and most
experienced mariners were invited by the
minister at war to assist in his
deliberations; and an expedition was finally
determined on in the month of February,
1830, to consist of about thirty-seven
thousand men, a number which it was
calculated would not only be sufficient to
overcome all opposition which might be
encountered, but to enable the French to
reduce the kingdom to a province, and retain
it in subjection for any length of time that
might be considered advisable. No sooner was
this decision promulgated, than all the
necessary preparations were commenced with
the utmost diligence. It was now February,
and the expedition was to embark by the end
of April, so that no time could be lost. The
arsenals, the naval and military workships,
were all in full employment. Field and
breaching batteries were mounted on a new
principle lately adopted; gabions,
earth-bags, chevaux-de-frise, and
projectiles were made in the greatest
abundance maps, notes, and all the
information that could be procured
respecting Barbary were transmitted to the
war office, where their contents were
compared and digested, and a plan of
operations was drawn out. The commissariat
were busied in collecting provisions,
waggons, and fitting out an efficient
hospital train; a deputy-commissary was
despatched to reconnoitre the coasts of
Spain and the Balearic Islands, to ascertain
what resources could be drawn from them, and
negociate with the king for leave to
establish military hospitals at Port Mahon.
Eighteen regiments of the line, three
squadrons of cavalry, and different corps of
artillery and engineers were ordered to hold
themselves in readiness; four hundred
transports were assembled, and chartered by
government in the port of Marseilles, while
the vessels of war, which were to form the
convoy, were appointed their rendezvous in
the neighborhood of Toulon. After some
hesitation as to who should command this
important expedition, the Count de Bourmont,
then minister at war, thought fit to appoint
himself; and his etat-major was soon
complete, Desprez acting as chief, and
Tholozé as second in command. Maubert de
Neuilly was chosen provost-marshal, De
Bartillat (who afterwards wrote an
entertaining account of the expedition)
quarter-master general, and De Carne
commissary-general to the forces. In
addition to these, there were about twenty
aid-de-camps, orderlies, and young men of
rank attached to the staff, together with a
Spanish general, an English colonel, a
Russian colonel and lieutenant, and two
Saxon officers, deputed by their respective
governments. There were also a section of
engineer-geographers, whose business was to
survey and map the country as it was
conquered, "and," says M. Roget, who was
himself employed in the service we have just
mentioned, and to whose excellent work,
written in that capacity, we are so much
indebted, "twenty-four interpreters, the
half of whom knew neither French nor Arabic,
were attached-to the different corps of the
army, in order to facilitate their
intercourse with the inhabitants." As the
minister had determined on risking his own
reputation on the expedition, the supplies
were all, of course, of the completest kind,
and in the greatest abundance. Provisions
for three months were ordered; an equal
quantity was to be forwarded as soon as the
army had landed in Africa; and, amongst the
other materials furnished we observe, in
looking over the returns, thirty wooden
legs, and two hundred crutches, for the
relief of the unfortunate heroes, a boring
apparatus to sink pumps, if water should run
short, and a balloon, with two aeronauts, to
reconnoitre the enemy's position, in case,
as was represented to be their wont, they
should entrench themselves under the shelter
of hedges and brushwood.
The French effected a landing at
Sidy-el-Ferruch, a small promontory, about
five leagues to the west of Algiers, and
half a league to the east of the river
Massaflran, where it discharges itself into
the bay. On the 14th of June they all landed
without opposition.
After a continued series of engagements
and skirmishes the army got within cannon
shot of Algiers, where they broke ground and
began entrenching, and the French works
being completed, the heavy breaching cannon
were all mounted; and at day-break on the
4th of July, General Lahitte, having assured
himself by personal inspection that all was
ready, ordered the signal rocket to be
thrown, and at the same moment the whole
French batteries opened their fire within
point blank distance, and with a report
which shook the whole of Algiers, and
brought the garrison, who were little
expecting so speedy an attack, running to
their posts. The artillery was admirably
served, and from one battery which enfiladed
the fort, the balls were seen to sweep away
at once an entire row of Algerine cannoneers
from their guns. The Turks displayed the
most undaunted courage; they answered shot
for shot, supplied with fresh men the places
of such as were slain, stopped up with
woolsacks the breaches made by the balls,
replaced the cannon which the French fire
had dismounted, and never relaxed their
exertions for a moment. But the nature of
their works was ill-calculated to withstand
the scientific accuracy with which the
besiegers made their attack. Every ball now
told--the tower in the centre was completely
riddled by shots and shells; the bursting of
these latter had disabled great numbers of
the garrison. By seven o'clock the besieged
had begun to retire from the most damaged
part of their works; by half-past eight the
whole outer line of defence was abandoned,
and by nine the fire of the fort was
extinct. The Turkish general, finding
opposition hopeless, had sent to the Dey for
commands; and in reply was ordered to
retreat with his whole remaining force to
the Cassaubah, and leave three negroes to
blow up the fort. The tranquillity with
which they performed this fatal task
deserves record. The French, finding the
enemy's fire to fail, directed all theirs
towards effecting a practicable breach. The
fort seemed to be abandoned;--two red flags
floated still on its outside line of
defence, and a third on the angle towards
the city. Three negroes were seen calmly
walking on the ramparts, and from time to
time looking over, as if to examine what
progress the breach was making. One of them,
struck by a cannon-ball, fell, and the
others, as if to revenge his death, ran to a
cannon, pointed it, and fired three shots.
At the third, the gun turned over, and they
were unable to replace it. They tried
another, and as they were in the act of
raising it, a shot swept the legs from under
one of them. The remaining negro gazed for a
moment on his comrade, drew him a little
back, left him, and once more examined the
breach. He then snatched one of the flags,
and retired to the interior of the tower; in
a few minutes he re-appeared, took a second
and descended. The French continued to
cannonade, and the breach appeared almost
practicable, when suddenly they were
astounded by a terrific explosion, which
shook the whole ground as with an
earthquake; an immense column of smoke,
mixed with streaks of flame, burst from the
centre of the fortress, masses of solid
masonry were hurled into the air to an
amazing height, while cannon, stones,
timbers, projectiles, and dead bodies, were
scattered in every direction--the negro had
done his duty--the fort was blown up.
In half an hour the French sappers and
miners were at work repairing the smoking
ruins, their advanced guards had effected a
reconnoissance along the side of the hill
towards the fort Bab-azoona, and their
engineers had broken ground for new works
within seven hundred yards of the Cassaubah.
But these preparations were unnecessary; the
Dey had resigned all further intention of
resistance, and at two o'clock a flag of
truce was announced, which proved to be Sidy
Mustapha, the Dey's private secretary,
charged with offers of paying the whole
expense of the campaign, relinquishing all
his demands on France, and making any
further reparation that the French general
might require, on condition that the troops
should not enter Algiers. These proposals
met with an instant negative:--Bourmont felt
that Algiers was in his power, and declared
that he would grant no other terms than an
assurance of life to the Dey and
inhabitants, adding that if the gates were
not opened he should recommence his fire.
Scarcely had Mustapha gone, than two other
deputies appeared, sent by the townsmen to
plead in their behalf. They were a Turk
called Omar, and a Moor named Bouderba, who
having lived for some time at Marseilles,
spoke French perfectly. They received nearly
the same answer as Mustapha; but they proved
themselves better diplomatists, for they
spoke so much to the general of the danger,
there would be in refusing the Janissaries
all terms, and the probability that if thus
driven to despair they might make a
murderous resistance, and afterwards destroy
all the wealth and blow up all the forts
before surrendering, that Bourmont, yielding
to their representations, became less stern
in his demands; and Mustapha having returned
about the same time with the English
vice-consul, as a mediator, the following
terms were finally committed to paper, and
sent to the Dey by an interpreter.
"1. The fort of the Cassaubah, with all
the other forts dependent on Algiers, and
the harbor, shall be placed in the hands of
the French troops the 5th of July, at 10
o'clock, A.M.
"2. The general-in-chief of the French
army ensures the Dey of Algiers personal
liberty, and all his private property.
"3. The Dey shall be free to retire with
his family and wealth wherever he pleases.
While he remains at Algiers he and his
family shall be under the protection of the
commander-in-chief. A guard shall insure his
safety, and that of his family.
"4. The same advantages, and same
protection are assured to all the soldiers
of the militia.
"5. The exercise of the Mohammedan
religion shall remain free; the liberty of
the inhabitants of all classes, their
religion, property, commerce, and industry
shall receive no injury; their women shall
be respected: the general takes this on his
own responsibility.
"6. The ratification of this convention
to be made before 10 A.M., on the 5th of
July, and the French troops immediately
after to take possession of the Cassaubah,
and other forts." |
These terms were so much more favorable
than the Dey could have expected, that, of
course, not a moment was lost in signifying
his acceptance: he only begged to be allowed
two hours more to get himself and his goods
out of the Cassaubah, and these were readily
granted. It may, indeed, be wondered at that
he and his Janissaries should be allowed to
retain all their ill-gotten booty, under the
name of private property; but Count de
Bourmont, though not without talent, was
essentially a weak man, and was in this
instance overreached by the wily Moor. The
whole of next morning an immense number of
persons were seen flying from Algiers,
previous to the entry of the French army,
and carrying with them all their goods,
valuables, and money. They fled by the fort
Bab-azoona, on the roads towards Constantina
and Bleeda; and about a hundred mounted
Arabs were seen caracolling on the beach, as
if to cover their retreat. No opposition to
it, however, was made by the French troops,
or by their navy, which had now again come
in sight.
At twelve o'clock the general, with his
staff, artillery, and a strong guard,
entered the Cassaubah, and at the same
moment all the other forts were taken
possession of by French troops. No one
appeared to make a formal surrender, nor did
any one present himself on the part of the
inhabitants, to inquire as to what
protection they were to receive, yet, on the
whole, we believe the troops conducted
themselves, at least on this occasion, with
signal forbearance; and that of the
robberies which took place, the greater
number were perpetrated by Moors and Jews.
One was rather ingenious. The minister of
finance had given up the public treasures to
commissioners regularly appointed for the
purpose. Amongst others, the mint was
visited, a receipt given of its containing
bullion to the amount of 25,000 or 30,000
francs, the door sealed, and a sentry
placed. Next morning the seal was perfect,
the sentry at his post, but the bullion was
gone through a small hole made in the back
wall.
The amount of public property found in
Algiers, and appropriated by the French, was
very considerable, and much more than repaid
the expenses of the expedition. The blockade
of the last three years had, by interrupting
their commerce, caused an accumulation of
the commodities in which the Algerines
generally paid their tribute, so that the
storehouses at the Cassaubah were abundantly
filled with wool, hides, leather, wax, lead
and copper. Quantities of grain, silks,
muslins, and gold and silver tissues were
also found, as well as salt, of which the
Dey had reserved to himself a monopoly, and,
by buying it very cheap at the Balearic
Isles, used to sell it at an extravagant
rate to his subjects. The treasure alone
amounted to nearly fifty million of francs,
and the cannon, projectiles, powder
magazines, and military stores, together
with the public buildings, foundries,
dock-yards, and vessels in the harbor, were
estimated at a still larger amount; while
the entire expense of the expedition,
including land and sea service, together
with the maintenance of an army of
occupation up to January, 1831, was computed
not to exceed 48,500,000 francs; so that
France must have realized, by her first
connection with Algiers, a sum not far short
of £3,000,000 sterling--a larger amount, we
will venture to say, than is likely to
accrue to her again, even after many years
of colonization.
In a few days the Dey had embarked for
Naples, which he chose as his future place
of residence; the Janissaries were sent in
French vessels to Constantinople; the Bey of
Tippery made his submissions, and swore
allegiance to the French King; orders were
issued, and laws enacted in his name; the
Arabs and Kalyles came into market as usual
with their fowl and game; a French soldier
was tolerably safe, as long as he avoided
going to any distance beyond the outposts;
and, on the whole, Algiers the warlike, had
assumed all the appearance of a French
colony. |